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Article Alert: Running towards the fire in a land where words draw heat

sherrybbPaul McGeough

TO CAMP at the crossroads of courage and recklessness is to live dangerously. To stay put after two stalwart allies have been murdered requires the nerves of steel that are immediately apparent on meeting Sherry Rehman.

She is a woman who knows something about pressure politics - Pakistani style.

The striking 50-year-old, no-nonsense Pakistani MP glides across the marbled floors of her heavily guarded villa in Islamabad and folds herself into the upholstered club chair.

Above her is a portrait of a veiled Benazir Bhutto - on the opposite wall, a Picasso lithograph and a Miro.

Ms Rehman was travelling in the campaign convoy of the former prime minister in 2007 when a gunman shot Ms Bhutto before detonating a suicide bomb. Ms Rehman says: ''We all were injured in the blasts. You only worry about being maimed. It's the price of a certain kind of politics in this country.''

Her steeliness emerges in her defiance of all gunmen - be they extremist militias or shadowy agents of the government of which she is a member. This year, militiamen killed the two senior public figures who had the courage to support her campaign to reform Pakistan's draconian blasphemy laws.

In May she ignored security advice and was back in the streets protesting after the murder of a prominent journalist - a killing that senior US officials publicly declared to have been sanctioned by the Islamabad government.

''I come from a party with a long tradition of people putting their lives on the line,'' she says. ''These are ordinary people who stand up bravely and many of them have been tortured and killed.''

It is safe to say that Pakistanis watch her movements closely. There have been 2.37 million hits on a YouTube clip in which the Prime Minister, Yousuf Raza Gilani, brushed against Ms Rehman amid the tumult of a rowdy protest march, and 1.5 million hits on a clip of her smoking a cigarette. It goes beyond public fascination. In a country in which the gunmen say she, too, is in their crosshairs, it seems like overexposure.

Ms Rehman spearheaded the campaign to save Aasia Bibi, a villager from Punjab province who last year became the first woman to be sentenced to death under the blasphemy law. There are 60 women in the national assembly but Ms Rehman's was the lone female voice in defence of the village woman whose ''crime'' was to take offence when her fellow field workers, Muslims, complained that the water she shared with them in the heat of summer was unclean because she was a Christian.

The Islamist wave washing over Pakistan today is a manifestation of something that began long before the al-Qaeda attacks on the US, back when Washington made a strategic asset of extremist Islam in Pakistan. The military dictator of the day, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, encouraged religious factions to dilute the effectiveness of lay political parties.

It was era in which the US harnessed the mujahideen in neighbouring Afghanistan to defeat the Soviet Union and today Ms Rehman and those she supports pay the price. It was the Afghan conflict of the 1980s that fused militancy and Islam so ferociously across south Asia.

In January, Salman Taseer, the secularly minded governor of Punjab province, was murdered by a security guard who objected to his support for reform of the blasphemy law. After the killing, Ms Rehman urged her ruling Pakistan People's Party not to wilt under extremist pressure to keep the law as it stood.

But in February, Mr Gilani told Ms Rehman to withdraw a parliamentary bill that sought to reform the law. ''Appeasement of extremists will have a blowback effect,'' she warned at the time. Weeks later, another blasphemy reform campaigner, the federal minorities minister, Shahbaz Bhatti, was murdered.

Talking to the Herald about rallies that drew tens of thousands to oppose her reform campaign, she says: ''I don't think my views anger three-quarters of the Pakistani people. I think they give them hope. We have to reclaim our Islamic beliefs from the extremists. So if I see a fire I run to it - we have to put it out. You can't run away just because the kitchen gets too hot.''

In a country as unstable as hers it would be impossible for a politician not to be caught up in the endless national security debate and, while her profile as the blasphemy campaigner is ''unfortunate,'' she adds: ''I can't separate myself from women's rights. You see it all around you and the dots have to be connected.''

Ms Rehman was a 19-year-old journalist when she received her first death threat. The subject of her story was the bare-knuckled political battles in her home city, Karachi. ''The threats became very much a part of my jobs - first in journalism and now politics.

''You kind of develop a distance. You can't wake up to regard every threat as a real and present danger. But I do draw a line between foolishness and caution and I have to worry about my family.''

Ms Rehman returned from a period living in London in 2000 to help rebuild Pakistan's democracy. But after a decade of frontline brutality, she says: ''There are times when I wish I could retire and live a different life, but I'll have to put in more years on this roller-coaster.''

Before stepping into her bulletproof 4WD for the dash to Islamabad's airport, she states a simple philosophy: ''If our educated people who have resources don't pitch in to make their voices heard, it will be very difficult for the average Pakistani to reconstruct their dreams. We have to push back … there is no other way.''

This story was found at: http://www.smh.com.au/world/running-towards-the-fire-in-a-land-where-words-draw-heat-20110907-1jxwd.html

Article Alert: Pakistan becomes deadlier for journalists

By Urooj Zia

Media personnel in Pakistan have some much-needed good news: the government has finally announced a judicial commission to investigate journalist (and author of the recently-published 'Inside Al-Qaeda and the Taliban, Beyond Bin Laden and 9/11') Saleem Shahzad's kidnapping and murder.

Shahzad passed away sometime between 30 May and 1 June 2011. He had disappeared suddenly from Islamabad while on his way to record an interview at a television station. Three days later, his body was recovered from his car which had been dumped in Mandi Bahauddin, a couple of hours outside Islamabad. According to initial reports, his clothes had been changed, ostensibly to hide the fact that the ones that he had been wearing when he was picked up were in tatters due to the torture that he had endured, and which had led to his death.

Journalists have since maintained that Shahzad was killed on account of his work: his last story for the Asia Times, while largely harmless, contained two points of note: first, he had stated unequivocally in his lead paragraph that al-Qaeda was responsible for the recent attacks on PNS Mehran in Karachi; secondly, in the middle of his piece, he had spoken about Jihadi cells that, he claimed, were operating within the armed forces. Suspicion has primarily fallen on the security agencies of Pakistan, which, in their turn, have rushed to deny all allegations. Several senior media personnel, however, including All-Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS) President, have refuted these denials and backed reports of death threats issued to Shahzad by officials from departments affiliated with the country's security agencies. The APNS suggestions have been seconded by the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

Over the past few years, Pakistan has steadily risen to the position of being the most dangerous country in which to work as a journalist. Per an year-end report published by the CPJ, at least eight journalists were killed in Pakistan in 2010 as a result of, among other things, suicide attacks and street violence. In a more recent report, the CPJ has maintained that journalists in Pakistan are victimised by a range of actors, including “militant and extremist groups, criminals and thugs, and, despite official denials, the military and security establishment”. Shahzad’s kidnapping and brutal murder, the Committee maintains, was “likely meant to send a message to journalists in Pakistan to end their criticism of its powerful military and security establishment”.

The primary reason for the increase in threats and acts of violence against journalists, meanwhile, is the fact that perpetrators generally operate with impunity. Only a few of Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl's killers have been brought to justice since his 2002 beheading, the CPJ has maintained, adding that his was the only trial of this sort in Pakistan that the Committee is aware of since it started keeping records in 1992.

Given this, the government's decision to set up a judicial commission to investigate Shahzad's murder, and support from elected representatives from the democratic government, are indeed welcome. Activists and lobbying groups concerned, meanwhile, need to ensure that the investigation is actually conducted thoroughly and impartially, and does not lapse into the annals of bureaucratic red-tape.

A Question of Faith: A Report on the Status of Religious Minorities in Pakistan

Why a report on the status of religious minorities? 

As part of the Jinnah Institute’s Open Democracy initiative, ‘A Question of Faith’: A Report on the Status of Religious Minorities in Pakistan’ is a research-based analysis of the same. It documents the deterioration in the political, economic and social status of members of these communities in the context of the rising tide of vigilante violence and religious extremism in the country. 

Two critical questions are addressed by the findings of this report. First, will Pakistan continue to discriminate against its citizens and turn a blind eye to the spread of cultures of cruelty and vigilantism? Second, will the majority of Pakistanis continue to condone and collude in the discrimination and persecution of minorities? These questions have become particularly relevant over the past year which saw violent attacks against the Christian and Ahmadi communities; extremist protests against amendments to the controversial blasphemy laws; and a rise in the number of cases of blasphemy brought against members of minority communities. The brutal assassinations of two staunch advocates of minority rights Salman Tasseer, Governor of the Punjab and Shahbaz Bhatti, Federal Minister for Minorities highlight the fact that urgent action is needed, and the recommendations of this report (pp. 7-10) need to be addressed. 

The case studies set out in the report have been carefully selected from 125 interviews with members of some of Pakistan’s religious minority communities by the research team. They serve to provide examples of: Mob violence against members of religious minorities, attacks on places of worship, problems faced by minorities in employment, problems faced by minorities in education, abductions and forced conversions of minority women. 

While the situation is challenging, the report also recognizes positive initiatives from within civil society to challenge extremism.  These are laid out in a section on local voices against discrimination and oppression. 

In producing this work, the Jinnah Institutes supports a transition from Pakistan’s institutionalized “two-tiered”, citizenship (i.e. Muslim and non-Muslim), in to one that ensures equality of all citizens and the plurality that was envisioned by Mohammad Ali Jinnah. To view the complete report please follow the link -  A Question of Faith

Yours sincerely 

Sherry Rehman 
President
Jinnah Institute

Misinforming Pakistan

pakpapers-1By Huma Imtiaz

As 2010 comes to a close, Pakistan’s journalists are in mourning for their colleagues that have been taken from them in incidents of bombings and targeted killings. At least eight journalists have been killed in Pakistan this year, with three in September and two in December alone at the hands of violent extremists who have wreaked havoc in the country with suicide bombings that have claimed the lives of hundreds of people in Pakistan this year (CPJ).

While the sacrifices of these brave journalists will not go unnoticed, several elements in the print media are abusing the hard-earned freedoms these journalists have struggled for. The electronic media in Pakistan is still in its teething phase, having only been in existence for the last eight years. Pakistan’s print publications, on the other hand, have been around for decades. It is therefore extremely disappointing that several papers recently printed incorrect stories that have either been issued by unknown elements, or have been printed to capitalize on confusion with little regard for accuracy.

In December 2010, following Cablegate i.e. the publishing of confidential cables leaked by the organization Wikileaks, several of Pakistan’s leading newspapers in Urdu and English including The News, Jang, Nawa-e-Waqt, The Nation and Express Tribune published a story sourced from a wire agency Online that was based on fake Wikileaks cables. The focus of the story was US relations with India, which painted Indian generals in a bad light.

Read more...

Baloch journalist kidnapped, tortured and murdered

hameed-balochThe body of Abdul Hameed Hayatan, a young Baloch journalist who was kidnapped in the southwestern port city of Gwadar on 25 October, was found beside the River Sami in Turbat, 40 km to the east, on 18 November.

His reporting critical of the Pakistani authorities and his support for the Baloch national movement were almost certainly the motive for his abduction and murder.

“If the local and federal authorities want to rein in the violence in the province of Balochistan, they must conduct an exhaustive and impartial investigation into Abdul Hameed Hayatan’s murder,” Reporters Without Borders said. “If it goes unpunished, the province’s journalists will have every right to treat it as another extrajudicial execution.”

Hayatan was shot in the head and chest. Marks on his body clearly indicated that he was tortured before being killed. The body of a student, Hamid Ismail, was found alongside Hayatan’s. In a reference to a Muslim Eid (festival) that has just ended, a message found with the bodies said: “Eid present for the Baloch people.”

Journalists based in Balochistan told Reporters Without Borders that Hayatan was probably murdered by members of the security forces (who are fighting Baloch armed separatists) or a Jihadi group.

Balochistan is by far the most dangerous region in Pakistan for the media. Three other reporters have been killed there this year. One was gunned down in June and two others were killed in suicide bombings, in April and September.

Several cases of extrajudicial executions of journalists in Pakistan have not been investigated properly. They include the 2006 abduction and murder of Hayatullah Khan in the tribal area of North Waziristan.

Source: Reporters Without Borders

Image Courtesy: The Baloch Hal

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